A representative democracy. 1948, Berelson et . Of course, there have been attempts to assess the explanatory power of directional models, but according to these researchers, these spatial models were designed to be purely theoretical in order to highlight on a purely theoretical level what motivations voters may have for their electoral choice. We must also take into account other socializing agents that can socialize us and make us develop a form of partisan identification. The idea of intensity can also be seen as the idea that there are certain issues, that there are certain political positions that put forward symbols and some of these symbols evoke making these two issues more visible to voters but in the sense of making voters say that this particular party is going in that direction and with a high intensity. In short, it is an explanatory model that emphasizes the role of political attitudes. $2.75. There are two slightly different connotations. These are models that should make us attentive to the different motivations that voters may or may not have to make in making an electoral choice. Ideal point models assume that lawmakers and bills are represented as points in a latent space. The aspect is based on the idea that there is an information problem that represents a difficulty and costs that voters must pay to gather information and to become informed about an election. The idea is to create a party that forges ideologies and partisan identities. From the perspective of the issue vote, there are four main ways to explain how and why voters are going to vote a certain way and why parties are going to position themselves. A distinction must be made between the affective vote of the psycho-sociological model and the cognitive vote of the theories of the economic model. What are the criteria for determining the individual usefulness of voters? Then they evaluate their own position in relation to the issues and they do the same operation positioning themselves on this left-right axis. The advantage of the intensity directional model is that it goes in a more intense direction, i.e. There is a small bridge that is made between these two theories with Fiorina on the one hand and the Michigan model of another party that puts the concept of partisan identification at the centre and that conceives of this concept in a very different way, especially with regard to its origin. Four questions can be asked in relation to this measure: For the first question, there are several studies on the fact that partisan identification is multi-dimensional and not just one-dimensional. models of voting behavior -the columbia school (1940s) -the Michigan school (1950s) the columbia school -1940s -social determinism -voter brand loyalty (party id) -selective perception/projection -minimal campaign effect -cross-pressures -high interest+low partisanship are rare minimal campaign effect . For Przeworski and Sprague, there may be another logic that is not one of maximizing the electorate in the short term but one of mobilizing the electorate in the medium and long term. It is a very detailed literature today. The voters choose the candidate whose positions will match their preferences. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. Psychological Models of American Voting Behavior* DAVID KNOKE, Indiana University ABSTRACT A path model of the presidential vote involving social variables, party identification, issue orientations, . This model leaves little room for the ideology which is the idea that by putting so much emphasis on the emotional voter and feelings, it leaves little room for the ideology that is central to explaining the economic model of the vote. Then a second question was supposed to measure the strength of that identification with the question "do you consider yourself a Republican, strong, weak or leaning towards the Democratic Party? The presupposition for spatial theories of voting has already been mentioned, namely the stake vote. From this point of view, parties adopt political positions that maximize their electoral support, what Downs calls the median voters and the idea that parties would maximize their electoral support around the center of the political spectrum. One of the answers within spatial theories is based on this criticism that voters are not these cognitively strong beings as the original Downs theory presupposes. xref
We speak of cognitive preference between one's political preferences and the positions of the parties. Certain developments in the theory of the psycho-sociological model have in fact provided answers to these criticisms. There is a particular requirement, which is that this way of explaining the voting behaviour of the electoral choice is very demanding in terms of the knowledge that voters may have about different positions, especially in a context where there are several parties and where the context of the political system and in particular the electoral system must be taken into account, because it may be easier for voters to know their positions when there are two parties, two candidates, than when there are, as in the Swiss context, many parties running. In a phase of alignment, this would be the psycho-sociological model, i.e. Prospective voting is the one that has been postulated by Downs and by all other researchers who work in proximity models but also in two-way models. Thus, they were well suited not only to develop and test theories of voting behavior, but also to provide an historical record of the considerations shaping the outcomes of specific national elections. In other words, in this retrospective assessment, the economic situation of the country plays a crucial role. All parties that are in the same direction of the voter maximize the individual utility of that voter. These authors have tried to say that the different explanatory theories of the vote can be more or less explanatory in the sense of having more or less importance of explanatory power depending on the phases in which one is in a process of alignment and misalignment. Pages pour les contributeurs dconnects en savoir plus. The idea of prospective voting is very demanding. For some, these are theories that offer reflections on the proper functioning of democracy, on presuppositions, the role of information or the role of citizens for the proper functioning of democracy and the role of parties. IVERSEN, T. (1994). The Logics of Electoral Politics. This model of voting behavior sees the voter as thinking individual who is able to take a view on political issues and votes accordingly. What determines direction? [15] Then we'll look at the space theories of the vote. It is a theory that makes it possible to explain both the voting behaviour of voters and the organisational behaviour of political parties. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. how does partisan identification develop? If we accept this premise, how will we position ourselves? There are several theories emphasizing different factors which may shape citizens' voting behavior. The law of curvilinear disparity takes up this distinction. Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. If we take into account Przeworski and Sprague's idea that preferences are exogenous and not endogenous, it is possible to create a typology as Iversen did. On the other hand, to explain the electoral choice, we must take into account factors that are very far from the vote theoretically, but we must also take into account the fact that there are factors that are no longer close to the electoral choice during a vote or an election. The vote is seen here as an instrument, that is to say, there is the idea of an instrumental vote and not an expressive one. The theoretical criticism consists in saying that in this psychosocial approach or in this vision that the psychosocial model has of the role of political issues, the evaluation of these issues is determined by political attitudes and partisan identification. HUr0c:*+ $ifrh
b98ih+I?v1q7q>. The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. Various explanations have been offered over the roughly 70-year history of voting behavior research, but two explanations in particular have garnered the most attention and generated the most debate in the literature on voting behavior. There are two variations. With regard to the limits, methodological individualism has often been evoked, saying that it is an exclusively micro-sociological perspective that neglects the effect of social structure. Later, their analysis saw that party identification and attachment was the most common factor. This model predicts a convergence of party program positions around two distinct positions, there are two types of convergence. As the authors of The American Voter put Today, this may be less true, but until a certain point, there were relatively few empirical analyses based on the economic model of the vote. it is easier to change parties from one election to the next; a phase of realignment (3), which consists of creating new partisan loyalties. Pp. This is the idea of collective action, since our own contribution to an election or vote changes with the number of other citizens who vote. In other words, this identification is part of the self-image one can have of oneself. It is an explanation that is completely outside the logic of proximity and the spatial logic of voting. 0000001213 00000 n
The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. Suicide is a global public health problem. For Lazarsfeld, we think politically how we are socially, there is not really the idea of electoral choice. The relationship between partisan identification and voting is that the model postulates that partisan identification is the explanatory variable and that voting for the electoral choice is the explained variable. If you experience any difficulty accessing any part of this website, please call (386) 758-1026 or email kbanner@votecolumbiafl.gov for further assistance. It was this model that proposed that abstention can be the result of a purely rational calculation. Voting for a party and continuing to vote for such a party repeatedly makes it possible to develop an identification with that party which, in a way, then reinforces the electoral choice. For many, voting is a civic duty. We leave behind the idea of spatial theories that preferences are exogenous, that they are pre-existing and almost fixed. %%EOF
All of these factors and their relationships have to be taken into account, but at the centre is always the partisan attachment. 0000004336 00000 n
The influence of friends refers to opinion leaders and circles of friends. Even more plausibly, election campaigns are built around several issues. At the basis of the reflection of directional models, and in particular of directional models with intensity, there is what is called symbolic politics. 0000000636 00000 n
The idea is that each voter can be represented by a point in a hypothetical space and this space can be a space with N dimensions and each dimension represents an election campaign issue, so that this point reflects his or her ideal set of policies, i.e. A third possible answer is that they will vote for the candidate whose political ideas are closest to their own. Candidate choices are made towards parties or candidates who are going in the same direction as the voter, this being understood as the voters' political preferences on a given issue. This theory presupposed that the voter recognizes his or her own interest, assesses alternative candidates, and on the basis of this assessment, will choose for the candidate or party that will be most favourably assessed in the sense of best serving his or her own political interests and interests. [14] They try to answer the question of how partisan identification is developing and how partisan identification has weakened because they look at the stability over time of partisan identification. According to Fiorina, identification with a party is not necessarily the result of a long phase of socialization, but it is also the result of evaluations of a certain party, it is the fact of voting for that party that makes it possible to develop a partisan identification. How to assess the position of different parties and candidates. Basic Idea What you are vote choice ; Key foundational studies ; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, Gaudet (1944) The Peoples Choice Berelson, Lazarsfeld, McPhee (1954) Voting Another model is called the funnel model of causality which has been proposed by these authors working on the psycho-sociological model. There is little room for context even though there are more recent developments that try to put the voter's freedom of choice in context. There is this curvilinear disparity because the three actors position themselves differently. It is no longer a question of explaining "why" people participate but "how", that is, in terms of voter turnout, what choice is made and what can explain an electoral choice. There are other models that try to relate the multiplicity of issues to an underlying ideological space, i.e., instead of looking at specific issues, everything is brought back to a left-right dimension as a shortcut, for example, and there are other theories that consider the degree of ambiguity and clarity of the candidates' positions. This economic theory of the vote, this rationalist theory, has a great advantage over the other models, which is that it does not only focus on voters, that is to say, it does not only focus on political demand, but it also looks at supply and especially at the interaction between supply and demand. For some, this model overestimates the capabilities that voters have. This is the median voter theory. The utility function of this model is modified compared to the simple model, i.e. How does partisan identification develop? There has been a lot of criticism that has allowed the idea of issue voting to develop in a rationalist context and models. The political consciousness of individuals is based on social experiences and has little weight outside these experiences. The Michigan model was based on the idea of socialization and partisan identification as a long-term attachment to a party that is the result of primary socialization in particular, and therefore as insertion into a given social context. endstream
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Some parties have short-term strategies for maximizing voting and others have long-term strategies for social mobilization. This is more related to the retrospective vote. The original measurement was very simple being based on two questions which are a scale with a question about leadership. 0000002253 00000 n
Moreover, retrospective voting can also be seen as a shortcut. is premised on the assumption that elections connect the will of the people to the actions of government. In this representation, there are factors related to the cleavages, but also other factors that relate to the economic, political or social structure of a country being factors that are far removed from the electoral choice but that still exert an important effect in an indirect way the effect they have on other variables afterwards. Parties do not try to maximize the vote, but create images of society, forge identities, mobilize commitments for the future. It is a model that is very close to data and practice and lends itself very easily to empirical testing through measures of partisan identification and different measures of socio-demographic factors among others. On the other hand, in rationalist approaches, shortcuts are cognitive shortcuts. This model explains for Downs why we abstain. Rationalist theories and spatial models of the vote have had the very beneficial relationship of putting precisely the free choice of voters at the centre of analyses. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. In this approach, these voters keep their partisan identification and again in the medium or long term, they will go back on the electoral choice that is identified with the partisan identification, also called the homing tendency, which is a tendency to go back on the party with which one identifies. The system in the United States is bipartisan and the question asked was "Do you consider yourself a Republican, Democrat or otherwise? Reinforcement over time since adult voters increasingly rely on this partisan identification to vote and to face the problems of information, namely partisan identification seen as a way of solving a problem that all voters have, which is how to form an idea and deal with the abundance and complexity of the information that comes to us from, for example, the media, political campaigns or others in relation to the political offer. There are other cleavages that cut across Republicans and Democrats that should be taken into account to explain the pattern. This model has given rise to the spatial theories of voting which are the dominant theories. There is an idea of interdependence between political supply and demand, between parties and voters, which is completely removed from other types of explanations. These authors find with panel data that among their confirmed hypotheses that extroverted people tend to have a strong and stable partisan identification. The role of the centrality of partisan identification has been criticized, especially today, because partisan identification plays a role that is still important but much less important than it used to be and may be much less important than some researchers within this paradigm have postulated. This table shows that for quite some time now there has been a strong decline in partisan identification. We are not ignoring the psychological model, which focuses on the identification people have with parties without looking at the parties. There is also the economic vote, which is the role of the economy. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Ideology can also be in relation to another dimension, for example between egalitarian and libertarian ideology. For Lazarsfeld, "a person thinks politically as he or she is socially". Voting behavior is a form of electoral behavior. We are looking at the interaction. Otherwise, our usefulness as voters decreases as a party moves away, i.e. There are two important issues in relation to the spatial theory of voting. In both The People's Choice (Lazarsfeld et al., 1944) and Voting (Berelson et al., 1954), the authors European Journal of Political Research, 54(2), 197215. The idea is that you stay loyal and you do "voice", that is, act to make things change. From the point of view of parties and candidates, the economic model and in particular the model that was proposed by Downs in 1957 and which predicts a convergence of a party position towards the centre. Voters who vote against the party with which they identify keep their partisan identification. This creates a concern for circularity of reasoning. This is related to its variation in space and time. There has also been the criticism of abstention as the result of rational calculation. as a party's position moves away from our political preferences. So, voters evaluate the positions of the parties and from these positions, this party is a left-wing party and this party is a right-wing party. In other words, there is the idea of utility maximization which is a key concept in rational choice theory, so the voter wants to maximize his utility and his utility is calculated according to the ratio between the cost and the benefit that can be obtained from the action, in this case going to vote (1) and going to vote for that party rather than this one (2). More specifically, the costs that the voter has to take into account according to the different parties and candidates must be evaluated, which is the partisan differential, i.e. In their view, ideology is a means of predicting political positions on a significant number of issues and also a basis for credible and consistent engagement by the party or candidate that follows it. Regarding the causal ambiguity, there are also critics who say that this approach is very strongly correlational in the sense that it looks for correlations between certain social variables and electoral choices, but the approach does not explain why this variable approach really has a role and therefore what are the causal mechanisms that lead from insertion, positions, social predispositions to electoral choice. If voters, who prefer more extreme options, no longer find these options within the party they voted for, then they will look elsewhere and vote for another party. How was that measured? It is a paradigm that does not only explain from the macro-political point of view an electoral choice, but there is the other side of the coin which is to explain the choice that the parties make. There are also intermediate variables that relate to loyalties to a certain group or sense of belonging. This model relies heavily on the ability of voters to assess and calculate their own interests and all the costs associated with the action of going to the polls. Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. In this perspective, voting is essentially a question of attachment, identity and loyalty to a party, whereas in the rationalist approach it is mainly a question of interest, cognition and rational reading of one's own needs and the adequacy of different political offers to one's needs. In other words, if we know the partisan identification of voters, we can make a prediction about what the normal vote will be, which is a vote that is not or should not be influenced by other situational factors in a given electorate. The political position of each candidate is represented in the same space, it is the interaction between supply and demand and the voter will choose the party or candidate that is closest to the voter. When we talk about the Downs model, we also talk about the proximity model, which is the idea of a rational economic mode based on utility maximization. So all these elements help to explain the vote and must be taken into account in order to explain the vote. In the study of electoral behaviour, there is a simple distinction between what is called prospective voting and retrospective voting. The first question is how to assess the position of the different parties and candidates, since we start from the idea of projecting voters' political preferences and party projections onto a map. However, he conceives the origin and function of partisan identification in a different way from what we have seen before. The idea is that voters are not really able to really evaluate in a forward-looking way the different positions of the parties. A corollary to this theory is that voters react more to the government than to the opposition because performance is evaluated and a certain state of the economy, for example, can be attributed to the performance of a government. Some people talk about membership voting for the first two theories and cognitive voting for the economic model of voting. This is called the proximity model. Finally, in a phase of misalignment, this would be the economic model, since there is a loss of these partisan loyalties, so these voters become more and more reactive to political events and therefore may be more rational in their decision-making process. Fiorina proposed the question of how to evaluate the position of different parties and candidates: how can voters know what the position of different parties is during an election campaign? What voters perceive are directional signals, that is, voters perceive that some parties are going in one direction and other parties are going in another direction on certain issues. So there is an overestimation in this model with respect to capacity. The psycho-sociological model is intended as a development that wants to respond to this criticism. it is an element of direction and not an element of distance or proximity that counts. We have to be careful, because when we talk about political psychology, we include that, but we also include the role of cognitions and rationality. In essence, those studies provided the core concepts and models used in contemporary voting research. Has the partisan identification weakened? Lazarsfeld's book created this research paradigm. In this model, importance is given to primary socialization. There is a direct link between social position and voting. Fiorina's theory of retrospective voting is very simple. In Switzerland, the idea of an issue is particularly important because there is direct democracy, which is something that by definition is based on issues. Also called the Columbia model (after the university from whence came the researchers), the sociological model of voting behavior was constructed with the intention of studying the effect of media on voting choice. It is quite interesting to see the bridges that can be built between theories that may seem different. 0000009473 00000 n
While Downs said that there are parties that take positions on issues, the voter has difficulty with this inferring a position on a left-right axis. They find that conscientious and neurotic people tend not to identify with a political party. As part of spatial theories of the vote, some theories consider the characteristics of candidates. The scientific study of voting behavior is marked by three major research schools: the sociological model, often identified as School of Columbia, with the main reference in Applied Bureau of Social Research of Columbia University, whose work begins with the publication of the book The People's Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944) JSTOR. Models of Voting Behavior Models of Voting Behavior Dr. Bradley Best Asst. 3105. This is a fairly reasonable development, as is the discounting model, whose proximity was something reasonable and which makes the model more consistent with reality. In directional models with intensity, there are models that try to show how the salience of different issues changes from one group to another, from one social group to another, or from one candidate and one party to another. In the literature, spatial theories of voting are often seen as one of the main developments of the last thirty years which has been precisely the development of directional models since the proximity model dates back to the 1950s. In other words, when we are interested in trying to explain the vote, we must already know what type of voter we are talking about. 0000005382 00000 n
65, no. The explanatory factors and aspects highlighted by these different models are always taken into account. Much of the work in electoral behaviour draws on this thinking. Even if there is still a significant effect of identification, there are other explanations and aspects to look for, particularly in terms of the issue vote and the assessments that different voters make of the issue vote. 0000010337 00000 n
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An important factor is the role of political campaigns in influencing the vote. It is because we are rational, and if we are rational, rationality means maximizing our usefulness on the basis of the closeness we can have with a party. trailer
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